Tag Archives: Justice

Justice for Lamin Touray: Immediate Change Demanded


In a profound state of shock, outrage, and grief, we, the BLACK COMMUNITY-Coalition for Justice and Self-Defence (BCCJSD), alongside the Black, African and African Descendant, Afro German, Indigenous, and POC communities in Germany, are confronted with the stark realities of systemic injustice. This has been tragically highlighted by the events leading to the death of Lamine Touray in Nienburg on March 30, 2024. In a critical moment of mental health crisis, Brother Lamine Touray encountered not the assistance his loved ones desperately sought when reaching out for emergency help but instead was met with excessive force by those called to protect and serve. Despite initial police claims, Lamine had not threatened his girlfriend with a knife — a narrative proven unequivocally false, yet utilized to justify a response so disproportionate that it resulted in eight shots being fired, leading not only to Lamine’s untimely death but also to injuries within the police ranks.

The tragic circumstances surrounding Lamine Touray’s death and the subsequent police response cast a glaring light on deep-seated issues of anti-Black racism and the pervasive, harmful stereotype of the „dangerous Black man.“ Rooted in centuries of racial bias and discrimination, this stereotype continues to endanger Black lives by influencing law enforcement’s perceptions and actions, often resulting in unnecessary and excessive use of force in situations necessitating empathy and assistance. Lamine Touray’s encounter serves as a harrowing reminder of the lethal consequences of such biases. Despite his vulnerable state and the need for mental health support, Lamine’s experience was shaped by entrenched notions of threat and criminality tied to his Black identity.

This event is not isolated but adds to a distressing pattern marked by the deaths of Mouhamed Lamine Dramé in Dortmund in August 2022, and the looming five-year commemoration of Tonou Mbobda’s death at UKE Hospital on April 21st. These incidents collectively underscore the urgent need for comprehensive reform in our approach to mental health crises and policing practices.

The profound delay in securing justice, particularly in cases involving the deaths of Black individuals in Germany, starkly embodies the principle that „justice delayed is justice denied.“ This sluggish progression in addressing and resolving such pivotal matters not only exacerbates the trauma experienced by our communities but also signals a broader systemic failure to afford Black lives equal protection and value on all executive levels. The slow response and extended investigations deepen the sense of injustice and mistrust within the African and African Descendant communities in Germany, highlighting a systemic reluctance, bias or incapacity to promptly and effectively confront the root causes and repercussions of anti-Black racism and police violence. This inaction prolongs the anguish of affected families and communities and perpetuates a cycle of trauma and fear among all Black individuals within these societies.

From repeated and consistant experiences, we fundamentally doubt the system of Police investigating Police or Prosecutions investigating themselves to challenge systemic cognitive dissonance and supremacist ideologies with the authorieties at work in the so called State of Law – where the presumption of innocence is strictly rewarded to perpetraiting officers and pre-judgments regulary allocated to the the victims of state violence and racial discrimination.

Our Unified Call for Action:

1. Comprehensive Support for Lamine Touray’s Family:

We demand immediate and comprehensive support for the family of Lamine Touray, including psychological and grief counseling, legal assistance, and financial support to cover all funeral and memorial expenses. This support should also extend to facilitating any travel and accommodation needs for family members who have come to Germany in their quest for justice and closure.

2. Correction of Misinformation:

We call for the public correction of false narratives surrounding this incident, to restore the dignity of the victim and his family.

3. Direct Dialogue with Authorities:

The family of Lamine Touray must be given opportunities for direct dialogue with investigative authorities and policymakers. This will ensure transparency, allow the family to voice their concerns and questions directly, and engage in the pursuit of justice for Lamine. It is crucial that the family’s voices are heard and respected throughout the investigation and beyond.

4. Community-Led Crisis Intervention:

We advocate for the funding and implementation of community-led programs, prioritizing the expertise of mental health professionals over police intervention in crises.

5. Comprehensive Reform and Education in Policing:

We insist on mandatory, extensive training for all police officers in de-escalation techniques, mental health awareness, and a deep dive into the historical and oppressive origins of policing, particularly its roots in colonialism and slave patrols. Recognizing and addressing this history is crucial for dismantling racial biases and reimagining a policing model that serves and protects all community members with equity and compassion.

As we navigate our collective grief, our resolve for justice, systemic change, and the eradication of racial biases within policing and crisis response systems only intensifies. The tragic killings of Lamine Touray, Mouhamed Lamine Dramé, and Tonou Mbobda are stark reminders of the deep reforms required in our policing and mental health care systems. We stand united in our call to action, seeking clarity, accountability, and justice, and insisting that dignity and humanity guide our society’s approach to the well-being of every individual.

Justice For Lamine Touray

Touch One – Touch All!

Black Community Hamburg
Akonda e.V.
Africa Home
Africa Survival in Hamburg
Tschobe for Freedom
Africans From Ukraine
Sisters in Struggle
Black Media Group

Justice for Valérie Iyobor

Trigger Warning!: Racism kills
It is with deep sorrow that BLACK COMMUNITY announces the death of Valérie Iyobor in Uelzen. Seven-year-old Valérie’s excruciating stomach pains were dismissed by the pediatrician of the Medical Care Center „Medizinischen Versorgungszentrum“ Hammersteinplatz for short, who sent the little girl home and told her mother to give her water and banana to eat. The pain increased and her conditioned continued to deteriorate that very same day. She was rushed to the hospital but unfortunately all efforts to save her life failed.

The police told the mother that the autopsy revealed the cause of death to be a ruptured appendix.
How come the pediatrician did not recognise appendicitis as a possible cause for the severe pain and vomiting? Why did she not examine Valerie thoroughly or order appropriate tests? Why couldn’t she make an accurate diagnosis?
We stand in solidarity with Sister Jennifer Iyobor in her demand for clarification of the circumstances leading to the death of her child Valerie. What she describes is a nonchalant attitude and negligence that people of African Descent often face in health care.

Continue reading Justice for Valérie Iyobor

Repressive prosecution of Sista Oloruntoyin for the #BlackLivesMatter protest in front of the U.S. Consulate on June 5, 2020

Greetings Dear All,

This is to inform that there will be a criminal court case against Sista Oloruntoyin of the Black Community Coalition of Justice & Self-Defence

on 03. February 2022, at 09:00 am,

at courtroom 176

Amtsgericht Hamburg

(Strafjustizgebäude/Criminal Justice Building, Sievekingplatz 3)

Sista Oloruntoyin (LaToya Manly-Spain) faces criminal charges for allegedly “holding a prohibited or unregistered manifestation and rally in spite of ban or police order to disperse in accordance with Paragraph 26 of the law on assemblies”. About 5000 protesters joined in solidarity to send a strong signal across the globe. We are seeing this juridical criminalisation of Sista Oloruntoyin as an attack on the Black Community in Hamburg and all protesters. We call on all civil society groups and organisations to come out in active support and solidarity.

Continue reading Repressive prosecution of Sista Oloruntoyin for the #BlackLivesMatter protest in front of the U.S. Consulate on June 5, 2020

Oury Jalloh wurde von deutschen Polizisten gefoltert, ermordet und verbrannt!

Oury Jalloh wurde von deutschen Polizisten gefoltert, ermordet und verbrannt!

EN – PDF_Oury Jalloh was tortured, murdered and burned to death by German police officers!

DE – PDF_Oury Jalloh wurde von deutschen Polizisten gefoltert ermordet und verbrannt!

Die Initiative in Gedenken an Oury Jalloh hat am 3. November 2021 ihr mittlerweile fünftes zivilgesellschaftlich beauftragtes Gutachten im Fall Oury Jalloh vorgestellt. Dieses Brandgutachten des renommierten britischen Brandforensikers Iain Peck von den Principal Forensic Services UK beruht auf den Erkenntnissen aus einer detailgetreuen Rekonstruktion der Situation in der Todeszelle Nr. 5 des Dessauer Polizeirevieres am 7. Januar 2005 in einem originalgetreuen Zellennachbau dieser Zelle. Peck weist damit forensisch und damit wissenschaftlich fundiert nach, dass das Brandbild des 7. Januar 2005 nur unter Verwendung eines Brandbeschleunigers entstanden sein kann.

Nach fast 17 Jahren ist damit nun endgültig wissenschaftlich bewiesen, dass die Täter-Opfer-Umkehr der sog. „Selbstentzündungshypothese“ von Polizei, Justiz und Politik eine haltlose Verschwörungstheorie war und ist. Kein tatsächliches Beweismittel sprach jemals direkt dafür, aber viele direkt und indirekt dagegen. Ihre offenkundige Funktion bestand darin, die Täter*innen zu schützen und der Familie, den Angehörigen und Freund*innen, aber auch der Öffentlichkeit die Wahrheit über einen Mord vorzuenthalten. Die bis heute faktisch unbelegte Feuerlegung durch Oury Jalloh selbst ist eine nachweisliche Vorfestlegung der Ermittlungsbehörden, ohne die ihre Unterlassungen, Manipulationen und Vertuschungen in den bisherigen Ermittlungsverfahren im Fall überhaupt erst einen „Sinn“ ergeben. So waren es nicht die zuständigen Staatsanwaltschaften und Gerichte, die alle wesentlichen und heute bekannten Fakten des Falles ermittelt haben, sondern das zivilgesellschaftliche Engagement der Initiative in Gedenken an Oury Jalloh, die diese Fakten in 5 unabhängigen Gutachten und gemeinsam mit den Rechtsanwält*innen der Familie offengelegt und nachgewiesen hat.

Continue reading Oury Jalloh wurde von deutschen Polizisten gefoltert, ermordet und verbrannt!

Why you cannot see racism at all?

ZEIT ONLINE July 29th 2020

Racism: „The blacker a person, the more carefulness is neglected“

DE: Warum sehen Sie eigentlich keinen Rassismus?

William Tonou-Mbobda died in the UKE after being restrained. In this interview, Black Community activists explain why they think this is institutional racism.

Interview: Félice Gritti


More than a year ago the psychiatric patient William Tonou-Mbobda died after the security service of the UKE forcefully fixed him. The incident has not yet been legally clarified, the investigation is still ongoing. The Black Community Coalition for Justice and Self-Defense, a group of Black activists, considers the case an example of institutional racism. We spoke to Oloruntoyin Manly-Spain and Mwayemudza Ndindah about the accusations they are making – and what the case means to them personally. At their own request, the two will appear in the rest of this interview under their activist names „Sister Oloruntoyin“ and „Brother Mwayemudza“.

ZEIT ONLINE: For more than a year, you have been pushing for clarification of the death of William Tonou-Mbobda, who died at the UKE after security guards had detained him. You see racism in this case. Where, exactly?

Sister Oloruntoyin: It is important to differentiate: We mean institutional racism, not interpersonal. Institutional racism is not necessarily intentional, it has to do with bias and unconscious beliefs, but it creates structures that lead to black people being treated worse. Even in hospitals.

ZEIT ONLINE: Hospitals have not yet been at the centre of the debate on racism.

Sister Oloruntoyin: At the beginning of the 1990s, a young black man died in Broadmoor Hospital in England, after which the so-called „Blackwood Report“ was produced. This described a culture within that hospital that was based on White European norms and expectations. According to the report, this resulted in a subtle, altogether covert form of institutional racism – which was nevertheless effective and played a major role in the treatment of the patient.

ZEIT ONLINE: How do you know that the same thing happened in the case of William Tonou-Mbobda?

Sister Oloruntoyin: First of all, there has been no official apology from the UKE to the family of William Tonou-Mbobda to date. That would have been the least we could have expected, but it’s not the only point. According to the autopsy report, William Tonou-Mbobda would not have died if he had not had a heart defect. Had there been a thorough nmedicaeion on admission, the heart defect would have been discovered earlier. A heart defect is a risk factor – it should also play a role in the decision whether to order coercive measures or not. And if one orders and exercises coercion, then there are certain rules for this, such as the S3 guideline …

ZEIT ONLINE: … which recommends, among other things, that when lying on the ground. people should be restrained face up, which was obviously not the case with William Tonou-Mbobda …

Sister Oloruntoyin: … and the UKE has violated these rules in this case. We cannot and will not simply accept this.

Brother Mwayemudza Ndindah: There are more points to it. The confirmation to the request for coercive treatment was not conferred yet at the time. Self-endangerment or extraneous endangerment was neither given nor documented – we spoke to a doctor after the incident, William Tonou-Mbobda did not attack or hurt anyone according to this. The security personnel was not deployed in the presence of a doctor either. Then the public prosecutor’s office commissioned the Institute of Forensic Medicine at the UKE with the autopsy, and the director of the institute, Professor Püschel, accepted the assignment – although there was a conflict of interest. Furthermore, according to our information, William Tonou-Mbobda’s name was misspelled at the time of admission, despite his health insurance card. This later led to the fact that his sister was not allowed to provide legal guardianship for her brother.

ZEIT ONLINE: This may be a worrying accumulation of mistakes, but is it racism?

Brother Mwayemudza: These are systemic mechanisms of action that are not necessarily linked to a malicious intention of the individual. But that’s the way racism works – and that’s what we mean when we talk about institutionalized racism. These chains of error are only possible when it concerns a person of minor importance, and the blacker a person, the more likely it is to be so. The more likely it is that care and standards will be neglected.

ZEIT ONLINE: Nevertheless, many people would probably respond: All this could’ve happened to a White person.

Brother Mwayemudza: This argument only points out that there is something wrong with this coercive psychiatric system. And on the other hand, it still does not exclude the possibility that institutional racism have played a role in this particular case. There are various factors that lead to people being less careful, paying less attention, showing less empathy – institutional racism is not the only one, but it is one of these factors. The debate suffers from the fact that this kind of racism is not recognized, is denied.

Sister Oloruntoyin: But if racial prejudice against Blacks is not acknowledged, both at an individual and structural level, then it is difficult to address the inequalities that exist in the health sector, particularly in the field of mental health. There would be a need for nationwide cultural awareness programs for hospital staff, combined with anti-racism and de-escalation training. Black communities must also be involved.

ZEIT ONLINE: But again, the question: What is the basis of your conviction that in the case of William Tonou-Mbobda not only mistakes were made, but racism was at work? Do you basically assume that racism works in all institutions?

Brother Mwayemudza: Counter-question: Could you prove the absence of White superiority arrogance when – as in the present case – a series of omissions and errors have been committed against a Black patient and his family that are in conflict with medical diligence, existing guidelines and an ostensibly responsible corporate culture? Racism has a systemic effect and is based on the conviction of one’s own superiority, and possibly also one’s own infallibility – both individually and institutionally. The accumulation of errors to the detriment of one and the same patient cannot be explained without a corresponding structural background. In addition, there is the ignorant and disrespectful behavior towards the Black Family and the absolute blindness to errors after the incident, although the UKE’s actions had fatal consequences. Here, the institution UKE has acted structurally derogatory and thus racist at all levels, from the careless admission examination to the unattended, lethal use of disproportionate force to the criminalizing crisis management at the expense of the killed patient and his relatives.

Sister Oloruntoyin: If we are honest: Racism and the idea of White supremacy are the basis of all institutions of this German society. This is not only our subjective experience, but also a finding that is repeatedly made by international bodies such as the UN Working Group of Experts on the situation of People of African Descent during a visit to Germany in February 2017 or in the regular reports on Germany by the European Commission against Racism and Intolerance (ECRI) – most recently in March 2020. When we speak of institutionalized racism, we shift the focus to how organizations work for or against ethnic minorities and how the services of these institutions are experienced by us. We are talking about systematic discrimination and structurally discriminatory practices. The most common form of „White supremacy“ is not openly fascist neo-Nazi groups, but the silent agreement of the majority society to privilege White interests.

ZEIT ONLINE: How tiring is it for you to conduct this debate?

Brother Mwayemudza: If someone can’t understand what racism feels like because he or she is not affected by racism, but then says: racism doesn’t exist – then this is an arrogance and ignorance that reinforces the already existing experience of being worth less.

ZEIT ONLINE: The other day, the Federal Minister of the Interior Horst Seehofer said that racism in the German police force only occurs in isolated cases and therefore no study is needed.

Brother Mwayemudza: Horst Seehofer also spoke of migration as the mother of all problems and of defending the German social systems against immigration down to the last bullet. In this respect, one can already see how this man is positioning himself. That is one thing – the other is structural: precisely that denial of racism, historical and contemporary, structural. Not only Mr Seehofer is involved in this, but also the Interior Ministers of the Federal States and large sections of the police force.

ZEIT ONLINE: Germany likes to take advantage of having come to terms with its past. What do you mean when you speak of historical denial?

Brother Mwayemudza: Racism was already established before German fascism. It emerged as an ideology of justification for colonialism, for colonial crimes. But this connection is still not made today: The pretense is that fascism came from Braunau, historically out of nowhere. This missing link has led to the fact that colonialism and racism have never really been dealt with in Germany. There is a lack of recognition of this heritage and of the fact that for this very reason there are significantly more female racists than male fascists.

ZEIT ONLINE: With what consequences for the present?

Brother Mwayemudza: As long as it is not recognized, nothing is done about it. Then all racist incidents end up in the individual case drawer. There is a mechanism at work here that is called cognitive dissonance in psychology – if you deny you don’t have to change. In this respect, Mr Seehofer’s statements are classic examples of how racism works: Denial is an essential part of its reproduction.

ZEIT ONLINE: What does this mean for all those affected by racism?

Brother Mwayemudza: This denial is devaluation. When you say we don’t need a study of racism, for example in the police force, you are saying: the people affected by racism are not even worthy of at least studying the phenomenon. This is then obviously a system that is politically intended: people are criminalized or even mistreated and killed because of the color of their skin, but those responsible for it have nothing to fear, let alone punishment. Instead, the police are declared victims of racism accusations – this is structural perpetrator-victim-reversion …

ZEIT ONLINE: Back to William Tonou-Mbobda: What did his death mean to you personally?

Sister Oloruntoyin: The case has shown us that as Black people we are not safe. As I stood by the bed of William Tonou-Mbobda in the intensive care unit at UKE, I thought of my younger brothers. I said to myself: That’s incredible! We Blacks know that the German institutions are racist – and yet we are always shocked by such incidents. It is painful and traumatic that this „tragic“ case, this „catastrophe“, as Katharina Fegebank called it in the Science Committee, is part of a history that repeats itself again and again.

ZEIT ONLINE: What incidents do you think of when you talk about this story?

Sister Oloruntoyin: Mareame Sarr and Christy Schwundeck were shot to death by German police officers, Oury Jalloh was burned to death in a Dessau police cell, Achidi John died in the UKE from a coercive emetic instillation into his lungs. We also think of the murders of George Floyd, Breonna Taylor and many others in the USA. When we are struck by such racist disasters, which apparently seem quite natural to the white majority society, we are always hit very hard. It’s hard to sleep after such incidents. It’s hard to focus. It takes a while to process the shock and to calm down again.

TIME ONLINE: How do you handle it?

Sister Oloruntoyin: As the Black Community Coalition for Justice and Self-Defense, we offer psychosocial support and provide safe spaces where Black people can work through common traumas. Black people have been organizing themselves again and again, fighting racism for more than 500 years. However, overcoming systemic racism is ultimately the task of the White majority society, including its authorities and institutions.

ZEIT ONLINE: And how, in your view, can such an overcoming be achieved?

Sister Oloruntoyin: In any case, not without consistent criminal prosecution within reasonable time frames. It is crippling to have to wait again and again for impunity, for the next miscarriage of justice. Because the case of William Tonou-Mbobda has shown us this too so far: no one is held actually responsible when institutional action has fatal consequences.

ZEIT ONLINE: The prosecution would argue the investigation is ongoing.

Sister Oloruntoyin: For more than a year now?! It’s hard for us to understand why it takes so long to press charges in a case that took place in broad daylight in front of numerous witnesses. And if it takes that long, we would at least expect some reasonable explanation.

Brother Mwayemudza: It is well known that the main investigations were already completed last fall. Still no charges have been brought up so far. For us, this again shows which perspectives are apparently not important at all: the perspective of William Tonou-Mbobda’s family, the perspective of the people affected.

ZEIT ONLINE: Do you feel that you are heard in the public debate surrounding the case?

Brother Mwayemudza: Black voices have been heard, but this is mainly because from the beginning we have taken up this case, made it public and scandalized it. We were not surprised by the vehemence of the defensive reactions. We used the nasty R-word, called Racism. That was it: a naming, not just an accusation. Yet one is systematically pushed into the irrational corner.

ZEIT ONLINE: Do you mean that you are not taken seriously?

Brother Mwayemudza: What the UKE says, what the public prosecutor’s office says is left unquestioned. That is official authority – no interpretation. What we say as affected persons, is permanently being questioned: Where do you get off saying that? Why do you assume racism at work? Conversely, other questions would be justified and even more purposeful: How could it have come about in the first place? And: Why you cannot see racism at all?

Erster Todestag von Bruder William Tonou-Mbobda – Wir klagen an!


English below


Hamburg, den 21. April 2020

Wir, die Black Community Coalition for Justice & Self-Defense gedenken an diesem 21. April 2020 unserem Bruder William Tonou-Mbobda, der vor genau einem Jahr durch eine brutale Zwangsfixierung durch 3 Mitarbeiter des Sicherheitsdienstes KLE am UKE Hamburg ohne richterliche Anordnung gewaltsam aus seinem noch jungen Leben gerissen wurde. Unsere Gedanken sind am heutigen Tag besonders mit den trauernden Angehörigen und Freunden, die bis heute weder eine Entschuldigung, noch eine nachvollziehbare Aufklärung erfahren durften.

Wir erneuern heute nochmals das Versprechen der Black Community Hamburg an die Familie des Ermordeten, dass wir alles in unserer Macht stehende tun werden, um das Verbrechen restlos aufzuklären und Gerechtigkeit herzustellen.

Da von der Staatsanwaltschaft Hamburg bis heute keine Anklage erhoben wurde, ist der aktuelle Stand der Strafverfolgung weder für die Familie, noch für die Öffentlichkeit nachvollziehbar.

Daher klagen wir an seinem ersten Todestag die folgenden Personen, Institutionen und Zustände ersatzweise zivilgesellschaftlich an:

  1. Wir klagen die gewalttätigen Sicherheitsmitarbeiter des UKE-Tochterunternehmens Klinik Logistik & Engineering GmbH an, unseren Bruder Tonou-Mbobda am 21. April 2020 gemeinschaftlich getötet zu haben, indem sie seine Arme in Bauchlage auf dem Rücken fixiert und ihn zumindest teilweise durch ihr Körpergewicht zusätzlich beschwert haben. Damit haben sie einen lagebedingten Erstickungstod des Getöteten bedingt vorsätzlich in Kauf genommen.
  2. Wir klagen die verantwortliche Stationsärztin der UKE-Psychiatrie an, die gewalttätige Zwangsunterbringung von Bruder Tonou-Mbobda ohne Vorliegen eines richterlichen Unterbringungsbeschlusses rechtswidrig angeordnet und im Folgenden nicht ärztlich beaufsichtigt zu haben. Wir klagen sie an, die von Tonou-Mbobda vorgebrachten Bedenken gegen die Einnahme des verordneten Medikamentes wegen nachweislicher allergischer Reaktion nicht ernst genommen zu haben. Darüber hinaus wäre auch der traumatische Verlust seines Bruders durch eine ebenfalls allergische Reaktion auf ein Medikament ein Grund für das Anbieten einer alternativen Behandlungsstrategie gewesen. Zudem klagen wir sie an, den später bei der rechtsmedizinischen Untersuchung festgestellten, schwerwiegenden angeborenen Herzfehler nicht schon bei einer sorgfältigen Aufnahmeuntersuchung zum Ausschluss körperlicher Ursachen seiner psychischen Überforderung diagnostiziert zu haben.
  3. Wir klagen die Klinik für Psychiatrie und Psychotherapie am UKE sowie das UKE als Gesamtunternehmen an, den Hinterbliebenen des in ihrer Verantwortung verstorbenen Tonou-Mbobda zu keiner Zeit psychologische Hilfe zukommen gelassen haben. Darüber hinaus erfolgte für die Familienangehörigen keine persönlich nachvollziehbare Erklärung darüber, wie und warum ihr Sohn, Bruder und Cousin hat gewaltvoll sterben müssen. Wir klagen an, dass es bis zum heutigen Tag keinerlei persönlich an die Familie gerichtete bzw. überbrachte Mitleidsbekundung der verantwortlichen Klinik oder des UKE gegeben hat.
  4. Wir klagen das UKE an, öffentlich und unter Verletzung der ärztlichen Schweigepflicht ein stigmatisierendes Bild vom Verstorbenen als „aggressivem Kranken“ gezeichnet zu haben, um die Öffentlichkeit über die eigene Verantwortung für den Tod des Patienten zu täuschen.
  5. Wir klagen die Klinik für Intensivmedizin des UKE an, eine zeitnahe externe rechtsmedizinische Untersuchung und Dokumentation der Verletzungsfolgen trotz ausdrücklichem Hinweis unterlassen zu haben bzw. erst mehrere Tage später veranlasst zu haben.
  6. Wir klagen das Institut für Rechtsmedizin des UKE an, den Auftrag zur Obduktion in leitender Verantwortung von Herrn Prof. Dr. Klaus Püschel trotz Vorliegens eines offensichtlichen Interessenskonfliktes durch die Anstellung im Unternehmen UKE angenommen und durchgeführt zu haben. Darüber hinaus klagen wir Herrn Prof. Dr. Klaus Püschel und sein Obduktionsteam an, einen einseitig ausgerichteten Obduktionsbericht unter vollständiger Auslassung der Diskussion eines naheliegenden lagebedingten Erstickungstodes erstellt zu haben. Diese Unterlassung bestätigt den oben bereits angeklagten Interessenskonflikt sowohl fachlich als auch faktisch.
  7. Wir klagen die Staatsanwaltschaft Hamburg an, die Ermittlungen im Tötungsdelikt Tonou-Mbobda bis zum heutigen Tage ohne Erhebung einer Anklage verschleppt zu haben. Wir klagen die Staatsanwaltschaft weiter an, den Auftrag zur Obduktion an das Institut für Rechtsmedizin am UKE vergeben zu haben, obwohl ein Interessenkonflikt offensichtlich war. Die Beteiligung einer externen Rechtsmedizinerin unter der Leitung von Herrn Prof. Dr. Püschel war weder geeignet noch angemessen, diesen Interessenskonflikt zu beseitigen oder unwirksam zu machen.
  8. Wir klagen das UKE als Gesamtunternehmen an, die effektive Weiterbildung seiner Mitarbeiter*innen zu den Themenbereichen lagebedingter Erstickungstod sowie der S3-Leitlinie der Deutschen Gesellschaft für Psychiatrie und Psychotherapie, Psychosomatik und Nervenheilkunde „Verhinderung von Zwang“ vom 10.09.2018 unterlassen zu haben. Anders ist sowohl das tödliche Vorgehen der Sicherheitsdienstmitarbeiter am 21.04.2019 gegen unseren Bruder Tonou-Mbobda, als auch die Einschätzungen von UKE-Mitarbeiter*innen zum angeblich „professionellen“ bzw. „angemessenen“ Vorgehen dieser Sicherheitsdienstmitarbeiter nicht zu erklären.
  9. Wir klagen das UKE als Gesamtunternehmen an, kein Interesse an der Bereitstellung von effektiven und geschützten Meldemöglichkeiten wegen rassistischer oder anderer menschenverachtender Vorkommnisse zu haben bzw. ein solches nicht den tatsächlichen Erfordernissen angepasst zu haben. Darüber hinaus klagen wir das UKE an, keinen verantwortungsvollen Mechanismus im Umgang mit medizinisch bedingten Todesfällen oder Schädigungen für Angehörige bereit zu halten, da dieses im vorliegenden Falle nachweislich unterblieben ist.
  10. Wir klagen das UKE als Gesamtunternehmen an, wenn überhaupt ein nur rudimentäres Verständnis von den institutionalisierten Wirkmechanismen von Rassismus und darüber hinaus eine absolut unangemessene Fehlerkultur offenbart zu haben. Das UKE war weder in der Lage angemessen mit dem Tod unseres Bruders Tonou-Mbobda noch mit den Hinterbliebenen und Freunden respektvoll und reflektiert umzugehen.

Unsere Forderungen zum ersten Todestag von Bruder Tonou-Mbobda:

Wir fordern das UKE auf, sich bei den Hinterbliebenen in angemessener und persönlicher Art und Weise für den Tod von William Tonou-Mbobda zu entschuldigen und die entstandenen Kosten für Überführung und Beerdigung des Leichnams zu erstatten.

Wir fordern die Staatsanwaltschaft Hamburg auf, die Anklage nun ohne weiteren Zeitverzug einzureichen bzw. zuverlässig zu erklären, wann eine solche Anklageerhebung stattfinden wird.

Wir fordern Menschen afrikanischer Herkunft auf, am heutigen Tag gemeinsam mit uns unserem Bruder William Tonou-Mbobda und seiner Familie zu gedenken. Wir fordern Euch auf, die Familie in ihrem Kampf für Aufklärung und Gerechtigkeit mit allen Kräften zu unterstützen und diesen Fall über die Grenzen von Deutschland hinaus insbesondere in Afrika bekannt zu machen.

Wir fordern die solidarische Zivilgesellschaft in Hamburg und ganz Deutschland auf, die Kämpfe der Black Communities in Deutschland für die Aufklärung von institutionalisierten Morden an Schwarzen und anderweitig rassifizierten Menschen anzuerkennen und zu unterstützen. Es ist Aufgabe der deutschen Mehrheitsgesellschaft den in ihr, ihren Behörden und Institutionen systemisch wirkenden Rassismus etwa durch Racial Profiling, Sondergesetze und Leistungseinschränkungen für Asylbewerber*innen oder vorurteilsbasierte Rechtsprechungen wirksam zu beenden.

Der gewaltsame Tod von Tonou-Mbobda ist kein Einzelfall!

Dass immer wieder Schwarze Menschen in der Verantwortung oder aufgrund von Verantwortungslosigkeit deutscher Institutionen und Behörden sterben müssen oder schwer verletzt und benachteiligt werden, ist leider bittere Erfahrung unserer Community auch hier in Hamburg seit vielen Jahren:

2001 verstarb Achidi John am Institut für Rechtsmedizin des UKE – er wurde durch das gewaltsame Einfüllen von Brechmittel durch Frau Prof. Dr. Ute Lockemann getötet…

2014 starb Francis Kwame auf den Straßen Hamburgs, nachdem er den Libyenkrieg 2011, die Flucht über das Mittelmeer und die Hoffnungslosigkeit von Italien überlebt hatte…

2016 starb Yaya Jabbi im Justizvollzug Hahnöversand in Hamburg. Die Gefängnisleitung teilte mit, dass sich Yaya selbst durch Erhängen in der Zelle getötet haben soll, obwohl es noch kurz vorher keinerlei Anzeichen dafür gab…

2017 wird der Ghanaer Obang A.A. von einem Zivilpolizisten angeschossen und und dann bis zum Eintreffen des Krankenwagens nach 15min+ später ohne jede Hilfeleistung einfach liegengelassen…

2019 stirbt William Tonou-Mbobda aufgrund einer rechtswidrigen, regelwidrigen und unangemessenen Zwangsfixierung vor der Psychiatrie am UKE…

…und für keinen dieser Toten oder Verletzten wurde bisher irgendjemand zur Verantwortung gezogen!

Touch ONE – Touch ALL


Stop Killing Black People!


Black Community Coalition for Justice & Self-Defense

Kontakt: Sister Oloruntoyin (+49157-85508102) und Brother Mwayemudza (+49176-99621504)


Black Community Hamburg

African Communities Organizers

AKONDA eine Welt Cafe

Alafia – Africa Festival Hamburg

ARCA – Afrikanisches Bildungszentrum e.V.

ARRiVATi Hamburg

Asuiha / African Survival in Hamburg

Black History Month Hamburg

Black Media Group Germany

CECAM HH e.V. – Civil Engagement of Cameroonians in Hamburg

Initiative in Gedenken an Oury Jalloh

Initiative in Gedenken an Yaya Jabbi

ISD Hamburg – Initiative Schwarze Menschen in Deutschland

Lampedusa in Hamburg


Sisters in Struggle

The VOICE Refugee Forum

Tschoobé For Freedom Germany


First anniversary of the death of Brother William Tonou-Mbobda – We charge!

Hamburg, 21 April 2020

We, the Black Community Coalition for Justice & Self-Defense, commemorate on this 21st of April 2020 our brother William Tonou-Mbobda, who was torn out of his young life by a brutal forced fixation by 3 employees of the security service KLE at the UKE Hamburg without a court order exactly one year ago. Our thoughts today are especially with the grieving relatives and friends, who until today have not been able to receive an apology or a comprehensible explanation.

Today we once again renew the promise of the Black Community Hamburg to the family of our murdered brother that we will do everything in our power to completely clear up the crime and bring justice.

Since the Hamburg public prosecutor’s office has not yet brought charges, the current status of the criminal prosecution is not comprehensible either to the family or to the public.

Therefore, on the first anniversary of his death, we hereby declare a substitute civil indictment of the following persons, institutions and conditions:

  1. We charge the violent security staff of the UKE subsidiary Klinik Logistik & Engineering GmbH of having collectively killed our brother Tonou-Mbobda on April 21, 2020 by fixing his arms on his back in a prone position and making him at least partially additionally burdened by their body weight. In doing so, they deliberately accepted the positional suffocation of the killed person.
  2. We charge the responsible ward physician of the UKE psychiatric ward of having unlawfully ordered the violent forced placement of brother Tonou-Mbobda without a court order for placement and of not having supervised him medically in the following. We charge her of not having taken seriously the reservations Tonou-Mbobda had about taking the prescribed medication because of a proven allergic reaction. In addition, the traumatic loss of his brother due to an allergic reaction to a drug would also have been a reason for offering an alternative treatment strategy. Furthermore, we charge her of not having diagnosed the serious congenital heart defect, which was later discovered during the forensic medical examination, during admission examination as to exclude underlying physical causes for his psychological distress.
  3. We charge the Clinic for Psychiatry and Psychotherapy at the UKE and the UKE as a whole of having never provided psychological assistance to the surviving dependents of Tonou-Mbobda, who died in their care. In addition, no personally comprehensible explanation was given to the family members as to how and why their son, brother and cousin had to die violently. We charge both for the fact, that up to this day there has been no expression of sympathy personally addressed or delivered to the family neither by the responsible clinic nor the UKE.
  4. We charge the UKE of having publicly and in violation of medical confidentiality drawn a stigmatizing picture of the deceased as an „aggressive patient“ in order to deceive the public about its own responsibility for the patient’s death.
  5. We charge the Clinic for Intensive Care Medicine of the UKE of having failed to carry out a prompt external forensic examination and documentation of the consequences of the injury despite explicit notification, or of having arranged for it several days later.
  6. We charge the Institute of Forensic Medicine of the UKE of having accepted and carried out the autopsy order under the leading responsibility of Prof. Dr. Klaus Püschel despite the existence of an obvious conflict of interest due to his employment with the company UKE. In addition, we charge Prof. Dr. Klaus Püschel and his autopsy team of having prepared a one-sided autopsy report with complete omission of the discussion of an obvious situation-related death by suffocation. This omission confirms the conflict of interest already accused above both technically and factually.
  7. We charge the public prosecutor’s office in Hamburg of having delayed the investigation into the Tonou-Mbobda homicide until today without bringing charges. We further charge the public prosecutor’s office of having awarded the contract for the autopsy to the Institute of Forensic Medicine at the UKE, although a conflict of interest was obvious. The involvement of an external forensic physician under the direction of Prof. Dr. Püschel was neither suitable nor appropriate to eliminate or render ineffective this conflict of interest.
  8. We charge the UKE as a whole of having failed to provide effective further training for its employees* on the subject of situation-related asphyxiation and the S3 guideline of the German Society for Psychiatry and Psychotherapy, Psychosomatics and Neurology „Prevention of Coercion“ dated 10 September 2018. There is no other explanation for the fatal action of the security service employees on 21.04.2019 against our brother Tonou-Mbobda, nor for the assessments of UKE employees* on the allegedly „professional“ or „appropriate“ action of these security service employees.
  9. We charge UKE as a whole of not having any interest in providing effective and protected reporting facilities for racist or other inhuman incidents or of not having adapted such reporting facilities to actual requirements. In addition, we charge UKE of failing to provide a responsible mechanism for dealing with medically-related deaths or injuries to relatives, as there is evidence that it failed to do so in this case.
  10. We charge the UKE as a whole of having revealed, if at all, only a rudimentary understanding of the institutionalised mechanisms of racism and, beyond that, an absolutely inappropriate culture of error. The UKE was neither capable to deal with the death of our brother Tonou-Mbobda appropriately, nor with the bereaved and friends in a respectful and reflective manner.

Our demands on the first anniversary of the death of Brother Tonou-Mbobda:

We request the UKE to apologize to the bereaved in an appropriate and personal manner for the death of William Tonou-Mbobda and to reimburse the costs incurred for the transfer and burial of the body.

We call on the Hamburg public prosecutor’s office to now file the indictment without further delay or to reliably state when such an indictment will take place.

We call on people of African origin to join us today in commemorating our brother William Tonou-Mbobda and his family. We ask you to support the family in their fight for enlightenment and justice with all your strength and to make this case known beyond the borders of Germany, especially in Africa.

We call upon the solidary civil society in Hamburg and throughout Germany to recognize and support the struggles of the Black Communities in Germany for the elucidation of institutionalized murders of blacks and other racialized people. It is the task of the German majority society to effectively put an end to the racism systemically active in it, its authorities and institutions, for example through racial profiling, special laws and restrictions on benefits for asylum seekers* or prejudicial legal decisions.

The violent death of Tonou-Mbobda is not an isolated incident!

The fact that time and again black people have to die in the responsibility or because of the irresponsibility of German institutions and authorities, or are severely injured and disadvantaged, is unfortunately a bitter experience of our community here in Hamburg for many years:

In 2001 Achidi John died at the Institute for Forensic Medicine of the UKE – he was killed by Prof. Dr. Ute Lockemann by forceful administration of an emetic…

In 2014 Francis Kwame died on the streets of Hamburg after surviving the Libyan war in 2011, the flight across the Mediterranean and the hopelessness of Italy…

Yaya Jabbi died in 2016 in the Hahnöversand prison in Hamburg. The prison authorities announced that Yaya killed himself by hanging himself in his cell, although there were no signs of this shortly before…

In 2017 the Ghanaian Obang A.A. is shot by a civilian policeman and then simply left without any help until the ambulance arrives only after 15min+ later…

In 2019 William Tonou-Mbobda dies due to an illegal, irregular and inappropriate coercive fixation in front of the psychiatric ward at UKE…

…and no one has yet been held accountable for any of these deaths or injuries!

Touch ONE – Touch ALL


Stop Killing Black People!


Black Community Coalition for Justice & Self-Defense

Contact: Sister Oloruntoyin (+49157-85508102) and Brother Mwayemudza (+49176-99621504)


Black Community Hamburg

African Communities Organizer

AKONDA – One World Cafe

Alafia – Africa Festival Hamburg

ARCA – African Education Centre e.V.

ARRiVATi Hamburg

Asuiha / African Survival in Hamburg

Black History Month Hamburg

Black Media Group Germany

CECAM HH e.V. – Civil Engagement of Cameroonians in Hamburg

Initiative in Remembrance of Oury Jalloh

Initiative in Remembrance of Yaya Jabbi

ISD Hamburg – Initiative Black People in Germany

Lampedusa in Hamburg


Sisters in Struggle

The VOICE Refugee Forum

Tschoobé For Freedom Germany



The failure to protect basic human rights of adults and children has not only started to fail with the outburst of the CoVid-19-pandemia – it moreover was an expectable consequence of systemic failure:

Politics of global warfare, predatory exploitation of natural resources and deterrence of subsequent refugees are re-created in a vicious circle of Western White supremacy and privilege ever since the never ending days of slavery and colonialism.

The emergency measures taken to combat the CoVid-19-pandemia are characterized by aggressive authoritarism in general and highly selective neglect against segregated communities specifically. Protective orders are subjected to the privileges of those who have the freedom to #keepdistance or even a home to #stayhome. Refugees in coercive mass accommodations and lagers or undocumented „illegalized“ refugees have by order of state no safe space of place to protect themselves, their families or others. They are once again systematically excluded from their human rights to protection.

Be it in German mass accommodations, the streets of Hamburg, Berlin, Paris or London or in Italy’s agricultural slums or in the lagers of Moria or Libya – the crucial access to hygiene and medical care is impared or suspended. Human made refugees are again deterred, excluded and segregated by the very same „human“ societies – the colonial continuities of systemic racism are stronger then ever when it comes to pandemic emergency protection.  

We neither need to wait nor to expect a treatment on eye level – we need to organize ourselves and build sustainable autonomous structures of self-care and solidarity. Social and medical care cannot be a matter of profit but only a shared responsibility by all of us. If we allow human lives to be devalued again, we reproduce the inhumanity and cruelties of colonialism and fascism under modern neoliberal labels.

The Corona pandemic is a challenge not only on humanitarian grounds but on a systemic level. Do we really want to continue as before? Do we really want to proceed on the track that brought us up to this point? Can we again stand aside and look when human lives are neglected and endangered, when human and civil rights are ignored and suspended, when financial risks are socialized and financial aids are privatized to secure profits and shareholder values? 

The self-organized refugee struggles of the 1990ies and the beginning of the 21st century have managed to repeal so called „Residenzpflicht“ and the lager system to a great extent. A decade later these struggles had been trans nationalized and allies started to set up international rescue teams in the Mediterranean Sea and supporter networks along the Balkan route of the neglected refugees from Middle East, Asia and Africa. The turning point came with the so called “Refugee Crisis” in 2015. All the achievements of the refugee self-defence have been turned back to even lower standards than before their struggles. The Reception centres (AnkER-Zentren) and camps (ZASt) have grown even larger and into prison industrial complex. The residential obligations have been tightened up and extended. Asylum procedures are now shortened and restricted – deportation procedures escalate – legal interventions are habitually excluded. On the other hand the states obligations have been socialized into a so called “Welcome Culture” reducing state spending to a deterring minimum. 

What is to expect from the ongoing “management of crisis” should be of no surprise to no one anymore after the “bankster crisis” of 2008. Billions of tax payers’ money will be poured into those big profit companies that just yesterday payed out millions to their boards of directors and shareholders while precarious businesses and working class people are left behind in debts. Not to talk of those who have been structurally “forgotten”, neglected, segregated and discriminated against – the blind eye for them still feels better than the violent abuse that for sure will crush down on them after lockdown Corona-Police will be fenced back into business as usual. 

It’s high time for change – to sincerely try substantial and solidary solutions. Arundhati Roy suggests seeing pandemics as portals or gateways for transition from this world to another possible one:

“We can choose to walk through it, dragging the carcasses of our prejudice and hatred, our avarice, our data banks and dead ideas, our dead rivers and smoky skies behind us. Or we can walk through lightly, with little luggage, ready to imagine another world. And ready to fight for it.”

Black Community Coalition for Justice & Self-Defense

Der mangelnde Schutz der grundlegenden Menschenrechte von Erwachsenen und Kindern hat nicht erst mit dem Ausbruch der CoVid-19-Pandemie zu scheitern begonnen und war darüber hinaus erwartbare Folge eines Systemversagens:
Die Politik der globalen Kriegsführung, der räuberischen Ausbeutung natürlicher Ressourcen und der Abschreckung hierdurch hervorgebrachten Flüchtlinge wird seit den nicht enden wollenden Tagen der Sklaverei und des Kolonialismus in einem Teufelskreis aus westlich-weißer Vorherrschaft und Privilegien immer wieder neu befeuert.  

Die zur Bekämpfung der CoVid-19-Pandemie ergriffenen Notfallmaßnahmen sind durch einen aggressiven Autoritarismus im Allgemeinen und eine gleichzeitig hochselektive Vernachlässigung segregierter Gemeinschaften im Besonderen gekennzeichnet. Dabei sind die Schutzmaßnahmen den Privilegien derjenigen orientiert, die überhaupt über die Freiheit verfügen, #Abstand zu halten oder sogar in einem eigenen #Zuhause zu bleiben. Flüchtlinge in Zwangsunterkünften und Lagern oder undokumentierte "illegalisierte" Flüchtlinge haben per staatlicher Anordnung eben keinen sicheren Ort, um sich selbst, ihre Familien oder eben andere schützen zu können. Sie werden wieder einmal systematisch von ihrem Menschenrecht auf Schutz ihrer Gesundheit ausgeschlossen.

Ob in deutschen Massenunterkünften, in den Straßen Hamburgs, Berlins, Paris oder Londons, ob in den landwirtschaftlichen Slums Italiens oder in den Lagern auf griechischen Insel oder in Libyen - der entscheidende Zugang zu Hygiene und medizinischer Versorgung ist massiv eeingeschränkt oder gar gänzlich aufgehoben. Von privilegierten Menschen gemachte Flüchtlinge werden von denselben "menschlichen" Gesellschaften abgewehrt, ausgeschlossen und vernachlässigt - die kolonialen Kontinuitäten des systemischen Rassismus sind heute dort stärker sichtbar denn je, wo es um den Pandemie-Notfallschutz geht.  

Wir können jetzt weder länger zusehen, noch eine Behandlung auf Augenhöhe erwarten - wir müssen uns neu organisieren und nachhaltige autonome Strukturen zur solidarischen Selbstversorgung aufbauen. Soziale und medizinische Versorgung darf nicht mehr länger nur eine Frage der Profitabilität sein, sondern muss als gemeinsame Verantwortung von uns allen wahrgenommen werden. Wenn wir es in der aktuellen Situation zulassen, dass Menschenleben erneut und wiederholt entwertet werden, reproduzieren wir die Unmenschlichkeiten und Grausamkeiten des Kolonialismus und Faschismus unter dem Deckmantel moderner neoliberaler Etiketten.

Die Corona-Pandemie ist nicht nur aus humanitären Gründen eine Herausforderung, sondern insgesamt auf systemischer Ebene. Wollen wir wirklich so weitermachen wie bisher? 
Wollen wir wirklich auf diesem Weg fortfahren, der uns bis an diesem Punkt gebracht hat? 
Können wir wieder nur daneben stehen und einfach zuschauen, wenn Menschenleben geopfert und gefährdet werden, wenn Menschen- und Bürgerrechte geknebelt und außer Kraft gesetzt werden, wenn finanzielle Risiken sozialisiert und staatliche Finanzhilfen privatisiert werden, um die Gewinne und Shareholder Values zu sichern? 

Die selbstorganisierten Flüchtlingskämpfe der 1990er Jahre und zu Beginn des 21. Jahrhunderts haben es geschafft, die so genannte Residenzpflicht und das Lagersystem weitgehend auszuhebeln. Ein Jahrzehnt später waren diese Kämpfe transnationalisiert und zivilgesellschaftliche Allianzen haben internationale Rettungsteams im Mittelmeer und Unterstützernetzwerke entlang der Balkanroute der vernachlässigten Flüchtlinge aus dem Nahen Osten, Asien und Afrika aufgebaut. Der Wendepunkt und Backlash kam mit der so genannten "Flüchtlingskrise" im Jahr 2015. Alle Errungenschaften der Flüchtlingsselbstverteidigung wurden auf noch niedrigere Standards zurückgeworfen als noch vor ihren Kämpfen. Die Aufnahmezentren (AnkER-Zentren) und Lager (ZASt / LEA) sind seitdem noch größer geworden und haben sich zu einem Gefängnis-Industriekomplex entwickelt. Die Residenzpflicht wurde erneut verschärft und sogar noch erweitert. Asylverfahren sind nun verkürzt und wesentlich eingeschränkt - Abschiebeverfahren werden eskaliert - rechtliche Interventionsmöglichkeiten gewohnheitsmäßig ausgeschlossen. Auf der anderen Seite wurden die staatlichen Verpflichtungen zu einer so genannten "Willkommenskultur" sozialisiert, die die Staatsausgaben auf das notwendig abschreckende Minimum reduziert. 

Was von der laufenden "Krisenbewältigung" zu erwarten ist, dürfte nach der "Bankster-Krise" von 2008 nun niemanden mehr überraschen. Milliarden von Steuergeldern werden an genau jene großen Profit-Unternehmen fließen, die erst gestern noch Millionen an ihre Vorstände und Aktionäre ausbezahlt haben, während prekäre Unternehmen und Menschen aus der Arbeiterklasse verschuldet zurückbleiben. Ganz zu schweigen von denjenigen, die strukturell "vergessen", vernachlässigt, ausgesondert und diskriminiert werden – ihre „Unsichtbarkeit“ dürfte sich für sie immer noch „besser anfühlen“ als der gewalttätige Missbrauch, der nach der aktuellen Abschottung durch die Corona-Polizei mit Sicherheit über sie hereinbrechen wird, wenn wieder zur rassistischen Tagesordnung übergegangen und „Versäumtes“ nachgeholt werden muss. 

Es ist allerhöchste Zeit für Veränderungen - um wirklich nachhaltige und solidarische Lösungen zu suchen. 
Arundhati Roy hat vorgeschlagen, Pandemien als Portale oder Gateways für den Übergang von dieser Welt in eine andere mögliche Welt zu sehen:
"Wir können uns dafür entscheiden, hindurchzugehen und die Kadaver unserer Vorurteile und unseres Hasses, unserer Habgier, unserer Datenbanken und toten Ideen, unserer toten Flüsse und des rauchigen Himmels hinter uns her zu schleifen. Oder wir können leicht und mit wenig Gepäck durch sie hindurchgehen, bereit, uns eine andere Welt vorzustellen. Und bereit, dafür zu kämpfen.”

Black Community Coalition for Justice & Self-Defense